CAMEROON: UNDERSTANDING VOLUNTARY SERVITUDE TO RECLAIM OUR DESTINY

By Franck Essi

Cameroon is in crisis. In multiple crises.

Our country is in a critical situation. And this is not a passing storm or a temporary hardship. It is a polycrisis: an accumulation of blockages, contradictions, violence, and dysfunctions that feed one another.
A political crisis, with an illegitimate power that refuses to leave. An economic crisis, marked by skyrocketing debt, chronic poverty, and massive youth unemployment. A social crisis, with collapsing public services and multi-tiered access to health and education. A security crisis, with ongoing wars in the Far North, North-West, and South-West regions. And finally, a moral crisis, defined by the normalization of lies, corruption, and betrayal.

Cameroon has become a planetary curiosity: forty-three years in power, ninety-two years of age, an eighth presidential term nonetheless underway. A country where elderly rulers, disconnected from reality, hold on to the levers of power, while a young population — more than 75% under 35 — watches helplessly as stagnation deepens.

We are a people known to be brilliant, educated, and lucid, able to analyze with great precision what happens elsewhere — in Senegal, the DRC, Gabon, or France — but unable to organize ourselves collectively to end our own paralysis.
Why? How can we explain this resignation, this collective paralysis in the face of a visibly worn-out and harmful regime?
Perhaps one of the keys lies in the notion of voluntary servitude.

Voluntary servitude: what does it mean?

The concept of voluntary servitude was forged in the 16th century by Étienne de La Boétie in his visionary essay The Discourse on Voluntary Servitude.
To the question, “How can a minority dominate a majority?”, La Boétie offers a striking answer: tyrants are powerful only because people agree to serve them.
They survive through our obedience, our submission, and our passivity.

Despots hold powerless by sheer force than by the implicit or explicit consent of those they dominate.
The tyrant reigns because he is served, applauded, justified — often by his own victims.
Servitude is therefore often voluntary: a chain we accept, and sometimes even desire — out of habit, fear, interest, or moral laziness.

How does it manifest in Cameroon, past and present?

Historically
Colonization was an imposed servitude — but one that was sustained by the collaboration of local chiefs and African auxiliaries who found their advantage in the colonial system.
Then came formal independence, but without real rupture: the colonial order merely changed faces.
The “colonial administrators” of yesterday were replaced by “native heads of state,” often more concerned with pleasing former masters and preserving their positions than transforming their societies.
The majority chose survival over resistance, apparent stability over real freedom.

In recent decades
Voluntary servitude now manifests through:
The cult of personality surrounding the head of state, even among educated elites;
The constant justification for inaction: “Nothing can be done,” “Power is too strong,” “This is not the right time,” “We must be cautious…”;
Loyalty purchased through petty privileges: appointments, per diems, contracts, fictitious posts;
The obsession with personal comfort at the expense of the common good;
Indifference toward injustice: “It’s not my problem,” “He should’ve kept quiet”;
The endless wait for a ‘savior’ from elsewhere: the international community, a providential opposition figure, the army, and so on.

This mindset fuels a vicious cycle: the more citizens remain silent, the more the regime feels entitled to trample freedoms; the more injustices pile up, the deeper fear takes root.

Today, voluntary servitude takes new forms:
Intellectuals who justify the unjustifiable to keep their privileges;
Journalists who remain silent or distract the public with trivialities;
Security agents who beat and arrest those fighting for their own future;
Youth who prefer selfies with the oppressors of the Republic instead of organizing collective liberation;
Civil servants who denounce the system at the bar but execute its absurd orders at the office;
Citizens who complain about the regime yet refuse to act: to march, vote differently, or support those who do.

This modern servitude is not always visible, but it is real. It is a quiet acceptance of disorder, an adaptation to the abnormal — a routine of powerlessness.

The mechanisms of voluntary servitude

  1. Fear: of losing one’s job, of exclusion, arrest, torture, exile, or death. The regime has built a subtle climate of fear, where caution is valued over dignity.
  2. Habit: after long years under dictatorship, people grow used to it. Resignation becomes culture.
  3. Division: the regime exploits ethnic, linguistic, and social fractures to prevent unity among the people.
  4. Rewards: a small elite benefits from the system — scholarships, contracts, decorations. Servitude that is rewarded often lasts longer than domination by force.
  5. Disinformation: state propaganda and media control ensure that a misinformed population becomes easily manipulated.
  6. Distraction: football, gossip, scandals, and social media “infotainment” keep people busy while the state collapses in silence.
  7. Fatalism: believing that “God will decide” or that “Africans are not made for democracy.”

These mechanisms form a spider’s web in which citizens trap themselves, forgetting they hold the power to break free.

Ending voluntary servitude: how?

There is no magic wand. But there is a path. And that path begins with awareness.
Voluntary servitude is not destiny. It can be unlearned, confronted, and overcome.
The struggle requires no miracle — only consciousness, courage, and organization.
It is a demanding journey, but one within everyone’s reach — a journey that begins in lucidity and matures through collective action.

1. Awaken critical consciousness

The first liberation is internal. As long as people fail to understand the mechanisms of their own domination, they remain imprisoned by it.
To read, to understand, to analyze society — to move beyond magical thinking, resignation, and learned fear. To name things is already to resist.
This awareness grows in popular education circles, universities, places of worship, and civic networks where people debate, learn, and awaken together.

2. Know the system to fight it

You cannot overthrow what you do not understand.
Study power — its institutions, networks, and methods of manipulation — to uncover the mechanics of servitude.
Knowledge is a weapon, and truth an act of resistance.

3. Break mental chains

The strongest domination is not physical but psychological.
As long as citizens believe nothing can change, the tyrant needs no soldiers.
Each time we say “nothing can be done,” we reinforce his power.
Breaking these chains means daring to believe in the possibility of change and reclaiming confidence in ourselves, in others, and in the collective.

4. Practice lucid disobedience

Resistance doesn’t necessarily mean taking up arms.
It means refusing to obey injustice, to lie, to collaborate, to corrupt or be corrupted.
It means saying no to fear, to propaganda, to manipulation.
It means resisting peacefully — through words, silence, humor, art, and example.
Every gesture of dignity is an act of liberation.

5. Build active solidarities

No individual can liberate themselves alone.
Servitude is collective; freedom must be collective too.
Mutual aid, support for the persecuted, and networks of solidarity are the backbone of a free people.
Solidarity transforms fear into shared courage.

6. Unite and organize

No lasting change is born from chaos.
Freedom demands discipline, strategy, and unity.
It is through organization that anger becomes political force, and dreams become achievable projects.

7. Expose false prophets and impostors

The struggle for freedom is often hijacked by those who claim to speak for the people while secretly serving the regime.
Political vigilance is itself an act of resistance against manipulation.

8. Support the resisters

Those who take risks for truth and freedom must never stand alone.
To defend them is to defend our shared humanity.
Dictatorships crumble when fear changes sides.

9. Build an alternative

Resistance is not enough; we must also propose.
To craft and embody a clear vision based on justice, dignity, and popular sovereignty — that is the true antidote to servitude.
We must live today the values of the world we wish to build.

My conviction: When the people rise, things change.

No dictatorship is eternal.
Change is never given — it is seized.
It begins in the mind before it fills the streets.
Cameroonians, it is time to end voluntary servitude, to reignite our collective intelligence, to rebuild hope, and to reclaim our destiny.
We do not need a savior. We are the ones we have been waiting for.

Franck Essi

#WhatIBelieve
#WeHaveAChoice
#WeHaveThePower
#IdeasMatter
#LightUpOurBrains

Avatar de Franck Essi

Franck Essi

Je suis Franck Essi, un africain du Cameroun né le 04 mai 1984 à Douala. Je suis économiste de formation. J’ai fait des études en économie monétaire et bancaire qui m’ont permi de faire un travail de recherche sur deux problématiques : ▶Les conditions d’octroi des crédits bancaires aux PMEs camerounaises. ▶ L' endettement extérieur et croissance économique au Cameroun. Je travaille aujourd’hui comme consultant sur des questions de planification, management et développement. Dans ce cadre, j’ai l’opportunité de travailler avec : ▶ La coopération allemande (GIZ), ▶Les fondations politiques internationales (Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, IRI, Solidarity Center et Humanity United), ▶ Des organismes internationaux (Conférence Internationale de la région des Grands Lacs, Parlement panafricain, …), ▶ Des Gouvernements africains (RDC, RWANDA, BURUNDI, etc) ▶ Et des programmes internationaux ( Initiative Africaine pour la Réforme Budgétaire Concertée, Programme Détaillé pour le Développement de l’Agriculture Africaine, NEPAD). Je suis également auteur ou co – auteur de quelques manuels, ouvrages et études parmi lesquels : ▶ Se présenter aux élections au Cameroun (2012) ▶ Prévenir et lutter contre la fraude électorale au Cameroun (2012) ▶ Les jeunes et l’engagement politique (2013) ▶Comment structurer un parti politique progressiste en Afrique Centrale (2014) ▶ Historique et dynamique du mouvement syndical au Cameroun (2015) ▶ Etudes sur l’état des dispositifs de lutte contre les violences basées sur le genre dans les pays de la CIRGL (2015) ▶Aperçu des crises et des dispositifs de défense des pays de la CIRGL (2015) ▶ Citoyenneté active au Cameroun (2017). Sur le plan associatif et politique, je suis actuellement Secrétaire général du Cameroon People’s Party (CPP). Avant de le devenir en 2012, j’ai été Secrétaire général adjoint en charge des Affaires Politiques. Dans ce cadre, durant l’élection présidentielle de 2011, j’étais en charge du programme politique, des ralliements à la candidature de Mme Kah Walla, l’un des speechwriter et porte – paroles. Je suis également membre de plusieurs organisations : ▶ L’association Cameroon Ô’Bosso (Spécialisée dans la promotion de la citoyenneté active et la participation politique). J'en fus le coordonnateur des Cercles politiques des jeunes et des femmes. Dans cette organisation, nous avons longtemps œuvré pour les inscriptions sur les listes électorales et la réforme du système électoral. ▶ L ’association Sema Atkaptah (Promotion de l’unité et de la renaissance africaine). ▶ L ’association Mémoire et Droits des Peuples (Promotion de l’histoire réelle et de la résolution du contentieux historique). ▶ Le mouvement Stand Up For Cameroon (Milite pour une transition politique démocratique au Cameroun). J’ai été candidat aux élections législatives de 2013 dans la circonscription de Wouri Centre face à messieurs Jean jacques Ekindi, Albert Dooh – Collins et Joshua Osih. J’étais à cette occasion l’un des coordonnateurs de la plateforme qui unissait 04 partis politiques : le CPP, l’UDC, l’UPC (Du feu Papy Ndoumbe) et l’AFP. Dans le cadre de mon engagement associatif et militant, j’ai travaillé et continue de travailler sur plusieurs campagnes et initiatives : • Lutte pour la réforme du code électoral consensuel et contre le code électoral de 2012. • Lutte pour le respect des droits et intérêts des personnes souffrant d’un handicap. • Lutte pour le respect des droits et intérêts des populations déguerpies de leurs lieux d’habitation. • Lutte contre le trafic des enfants. • Lutte pour la défense des droits et intérêts des commerçants face aux concessionnaires privés et la Communauté urbaine. • Lutte pour le respect des droits et intérêts des pêcheurs dans la défense de leurs intérêts face à l'État et aux firmes internationales étrangères. A la faveur de ces multiples engagements, j’ai été arrêté au moins 6 fois, détenus au moins 04 parfois plus de 03 jours. J’ai eu l’occasion de subir des violences policières qui, heureusement, n’ont laissé aucun dommage durable. Aujourd’hui, aux côtés de mes camarades du CPP et du Mouvement Stand Up For Cameroon, je milite pour que nous puissions avoir un processus de réconciliation et de refondation de notre pays qui n’a jamais été aussi en crise. A notre manière, nous essayons d’être des Citoyens Debout, des citoyens utiles pour leurs concitoyens et pour le pays.

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