Illicit Financial Flows in Africa: Mechanisms, Circuits, and Persistent Challenges

By Franck Essi, Senior Consultant, STRATEGIES !

The first article in this series highlighted a harsh reality: Africa loses between USD 60 and 90 billion each year due to illicit financial flows (IFFs). These losses exceed the official development assistance (ODA) received by the continent and weaken its economic sovereignty. But beyond the figures, an essential question remains: through which precise mechanisms do these funds escape?

This article examines the main mechanisms, the circuits they follow, and the structural challenges that allow IFFs to persist despite ongoing initiatives to curb them.

I. The Main Mechanisms of Illicit Financial Flows

Illicit financial flows rely on a complex architecture combining trade fraud, tax avoidance, criminal networks, corruption, and new technologies. Seven key mechanisms stand out.

1. Trade misinvoicing
Trade misinvoicing involves deliberately manipulating the declared values of imports and exports. Under-invoicing of exports transfers part of the revenue abroad, while over-invoicing of imports reduces taxable profits locally. According to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), this practice alone causes USD 30 to 52 billion in annual losses for Africa¹.

2. Transfer pricing and multinational tax avoidance
Multinational corporations often manipulate the prices of internal transactions – known as transfer pricing – to shift profits to subsidiaries in low-tax jurisdictions. This phenomenon, called Base Erosion and Profit Shifting (BEPS), is identified by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) as one of the main causes of tax revenue losses in Africa².

3. Informal transfer systems
Flows also pass through parallel systems such as hawala. Hawala is a traditional trust-based remittance system, widespread in East Africa and the Sahel, where one agent accepts funds locally and instructs a partner agent in another country to pay the equivalent to the recipient. Transactions bypass banks and remain outside official oversight. In economies where the informal sector accounts for more than 40% of GDP, these networks are heavily used³.

4. Tax havens and shell companies
Tax havens play a central role by providing legal anonymity. They host billions through shell companies (entities created solely to obscure ownership) and trusts (legal structures masking the real beneficiaries of assets). The absence of reliable registries of beneficial ownership in many African states makes tracing almost impossible⁴.

5. The extractive sector and natural resources
Extractive industries – oil, gas, and mining – are particularly vulnerable to IFFs. Africa loses about USD 40 billion annually through opaque contracts, under-reported royalties, and intra-group price manipulations⁵. Illegal fishing and unregulated logging add to this hemorrhage.

6. Organized crime and corruption
Organized crime generates significant revenues from drug trafficking, smuggling of minerals and timber, and human trafficking. These illicit gains are laundered through opaque financial circuits. Corruption, including bribery and embezzlement, facilitates and amplifies IFFs, creating an environment of impunity⁶.

7. Fintech and crypto-assets
The rapid rise of fintechs (innovative digital financial service providers) and cryptocurrencies adds a new dimension. While these technologies promote financial inclusion, they are also used for anonymous, almost instant transfers. Regulatory frameworks lag behind innovation, leaving loopholes exploited by illicit actors⁷.

II. Typical Circuits of Illicit Financial Flows

The mechanisms described above combine into sophisticated circuits:

  • The trade chain: an exporter under-invoices sales, profits are shifted to an offshore subsidiary, and the funds return disguised as debt repayments or inflated service fees.
  • The informal chain: cash is transferred through hawala; intermediaries balance accounts across borders and launder the money gradually.
  • The extractive chain: an opaque contract reduces royalties paid to the state; profits are sent to a shell company in a tax haven, then recycled through real estate or financial markets.

These circuits demonstrate that IFFs are both local and global, exploiting institutional weaknesses in Africa while relying on international complicity.

III. Persistent Challenges in the Fight Against IFFs

Despite multiple African and international initiatives, several structural challenges remain.

1. Legal loopholes
Many African countries lack comprehensive legislation against financial crimes. For example, in Côte d’Ivoire, certain offenses such as insider trading or market manipulation are not yet criminalized⁸.

2. Under-resourced institutions
Tax administrations, customs agencies, and Financial Intelligence Units (FIUs) lack sufficient trained personnel and digital tools. They struggle to audit multinationals or analyze complex suspicious transactions⁹.

3. Incomplete international cooperation
Only 24 African states effectively apply the OECD’s automatic exchange of tax information. This leaves major blind spots. Furthermore, asset recovery processes remain slow, complex, and rare¹⁰.

4. Regulation lagging behind innovation
Cryptocurrencies and fintech services evolve faster than existing regulations. This gap enables criminals to exploit new technologies with limited oversight¹¹.

5. Lack of political will
In several countries, political and economic elites directly benefit from IFFs. This conflict of interest explains weak law enforcement and the absence of exemplary sanctions. At the same time, growing dependence on debt makes every dollar lost even more harmful to public finances¹².

Closing the Taps to Finance Africa’s Future

Illicit financial flows are not only a matter of lost revenue; they are a structural threat to Africa’s economic sovereignty. They exploit both internal fragilities and the permissiveness of the global financial system.

The fight must go beyond measuring losses: Africa must close the taps by filling legal gaps, strengthening institutions, harmonizing regulations, enforcing transparency on multinationals, and anticipating risks linked to new technologies. Without these measures, billions will continue to vanish, undermining education, healthcare, and the future of the continent.

This article is the second in a series on illicit financial flows in Africa. The next piece will focus on institutional responses and the strategies needed to reverse the trend.

NB: This article was originally published here: https://strategiesconsultingfirm.com/illicit-financial-flows-in-africa-mechanisms-circuits-and-persistent-challenges/

Notes and References

  1. UNCTAD – Trade Misinvoicing in Africa, 2020.
  2. OECD – Tax Transparency in Africa 2025.
  3. Africa24TV – Illicit financial flows: over USD 60 billion lost annually in Africa, 2025.
  4. Transparency International – Risks of Illicit Financial Flows in Africa, 2024.
  5. UNECA – Tackling Illicit Financial Flows: Africa’s Path to Reparatory Justice, 2023.
  6. Interpol & AfDB – Cooperation Against Financial Crime, 2025.
  7. Carnegie Endowment – Illicit Financial Flows in Africa: Tax and Governance, 2024.
  8. APA News – Côte d’Ivoire struggles to criminalize certain financial offenses, 2024.
  9. African Development Bank – Impact of Illicit Flows on Education and Health in Africa, 2024.
  10. OECD – Automatic Exchange of Information in Africa, 2025.
  11. UNODC – Organised Crime and Illicit Flows in Africa, 2023.
  12. Ecomatin – AfDB estimates Cameroon’s losses at XAF 1,000 billion per year, 2025.
Avatar de Franck Essi

Franck Essi

Je suis Franck Essi, un africain du Cameroun né le 04 mai 1984 à Douala. Je suis économiste de formation. J’ai fait des études en économie monétaire et bancaire qui m’ont permi de faire un travail de recherche sur deux problématiques : ▶Les conditions d’octroi des crédits bancaires aux PMEs camerounaises. ▶ L' endettement extérieur et croissance économique au Cameroun. Je travaille aujourd’hui comme consultant sur des questions de planification, management et développement. Dans ce cadre, j’ai l’opportunité de travailler avec : ▶ La coopération allemande (GIZ), ▶Les fondations politiques internationales (Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, IRI, Solidarity Center et Humanity United), ▶ Des organismes internationaux (Conférence Internationale de la région des Grands Lacs, Parlement panafricain, …), ▶ Des Gouvernements africains (RDC, RWANDA, BURUNDI, etc) ▶ Et des programmes internationaux ( Initiative Africaine pour la Réforme Budgétaire Concertée, Programme Détaillé pour le Développement de l’Agriculture Africaine, NEPAD). Je suis également auteur ou co – auteur de quelques manuels, ouvrages et études parmi lesquels : ▶ Se présenter aux élections au Cameroun (2012) ▶ Prévenir et lutter contre la fraude électorale au Cameroun (2012) ▶ Les jeunes et l’engagement politique (2013) ▶Comment structurer un parti politique progressiste en Afrique Centrale (2014) ▶ Historique et dynamique du mouvement syndical au Cameroun (2015) ▶ Etudes sur l’état des dispositifs de lutte contre les violences basées sur le genre dans les pays de la CIRGL (2015) ▶Aperçu des crises et des dispositifs de défense des pays de la CIRGL (2015) ▶ Citoyenneté active au Cameroun (2017). Sur le plan associatif et politique, je suis actuellement Secrétaire général du Cameroon People’s Party (CPP). Avant de le devenir en 2012, j’ai été Secrétaire général adjoint en charge des Affaires Politiques. Dans ce cadre, durant l’élection présidentielle de 2011, j’étais en charge du programme politique, des ralliements à la candidature de Mme Kah Walla, l’un des speechwriter et porte – paroles. Je suis également membre de plusieurs organisations : ▶ L’association Cameroon Ô’Bosso (Spécialisée dans la promotion de la citoyenneté active et la participation politique). J'en fus le coordonnateur des Cercles politiques des jeunes et des femmes. Dans cette organisation, nous avons longtemps œuvré pour les inscriptions sur les listes électorales et la réforme du système électoral. ▶ L ’association Sema Atkaptah (Promotion de l’unité et de la renaissance africaine). ▶ L ’association Mémoire et Droits des Peuples (Promotion de l’histoire réelle et de la résolution du contentieux historique). ▶ Le mouvement Stand Up For Cameroon (Milite pour une transition politique démocratique au Cameroun). J’ai été candidat aux élections législatives de 2013 dans la circonscription de Wouri Centre face à messieurs Jean jacques Ekindi, Albert Dooh – Collins et Joshua Osih. J’étais à cette occasion l’un des coordonnateurs de la plateforme qui unissait 04 partis politiques : le CPP, l’UDC, l’UPC (Du feu Papy Ndoumbe) et l’AFP. Dans le cadre de mon engagement associatif et militant, j’ai travaillé et continue de travailler sur plusieurs campagnes et initiatives : • Lutte pour la réforme du code électoral consensuel et contre le code électoral de 2012. • Lutte pour le respect des droits et intérêts des personnes souffrant d’un handicap. • Lutte pour le respect des droits et intérêts des populations déguerpies de leurs lieux d’habitation. • Lutte contre le trafic des enfants. • Lutte pour la défense des droits et intérêts des commerçants face aux concessionnaires privés et la Communauté urbaine. • Lutte pour le respect des droits et intérêts des pêcheurs dans la défense de leurs intérêts face à l'État et aux firmes internationales étrangères. A la faveur de ces multiples engagements, j’ai été arrêté au moins 6 fois, détenus au moins 04 parfois plus de 03 jours. J’ai eu l’occasion de subir des violences policières qui, heureusement, n’ont laissé aucun dommage durable. Aujourd’hui, aux côtés de mes camarades du CPP et du Mouvement Stand Up For Cameroon, je milite pour que nous puissions avoir un processus de réconciliation et de refondation de notre pays qui n’a jamais été aussi en crise. A notre manière, nous essayons d’être des Citoyens Debout, des citoyens utiles pour leurs concitoyens et pour le pays.

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