OBSTACLE TO DEVELOPMENT No. 2 : The Inability to Work Together — and Over Time — to Defend a Common Interest

Across every field — politics, business, sports, media, trade unions, associations, and civic initiatives — the same troubling pattern emerges: Cameroonians struggle to unite and act collectively over time in defense of shared interests.

Talent exists. Ideas abound. Initiatives proliferate.
Yet most of them move forward in isolation, as if fragmentation were the default mode of organization.

The Paradox of Individual Control

Many appear to prefer being the sole owner of a small enterprise earning 100 CFA francs rather than a shareholder in a collective venture capable of generating ten times more value for each participant. Individual control, however modest, feels safer than collective success — even when the latter promises far greater returns.

This logic is not merely a personal preference. It is deeply rooted in historical experience and social structures.

Colonial rule institutionalized division — geographic and political — as a method of domination. After independence, centralized and highly concentrated power reinforced distrust toward autonomous collective structures, often perceived as potential threats. Even within traditional social organization — kinship networks, lineage hierarchies, systems of notability — there remains a long-standing tension between collective interest and personal prestige.

The result is predictable: instead of convergence, mergers, and the patient construction of strong, credible organizations, there is chronic fragmentation. Projects split, leaderships compete, structures multiply — all of them too weak, too isolated, too vulnerable to confront the scale of contemporary challenges.

The Illusion of Solitary Excellence

The paradox is stark: individual brilliance often coexists with collective inefficiency.

We produce leaders, but rarely durable teams.
Projects, but few solid institutions.
Moments of mobilization, but almost never long-term dynamics.

This is why building large, deeply rooted political parties, strong companies capable of structuring entire sectors, influential media institutions, or internationally significant cultural and sporting events remains so difficult. And when such initiatives do emerge — in civil society, entrepreneurship, or culture — they almost always suffer from the same weakness: their fragility over time.

Internal disagreements, ego conflicts, mutual distrust, and an inability to manage the long term gradually overpower the original vision. What was meant to endure dissolves. What was meant to grow fades. Even the rare success stories remain exceptions, often exposed to internal fractures or external pressures.

The Mechanisms That Sustain Fragmentation

Understanding this pattern requires looking beyond surface observation. Several mechanisms perpetuate it.

Institutionalized distrust, shaped by decades of political manipulation, produces a visceral reflex: surrendering control means risking dispossession. Memories of past betrayals — failed coalitions, broken alliances, unkept promises — push individuals to build personal spaces rather than invest in collective structures where marginalization or instrumentalization is feared.

Rational calculation in insecure environments reinforces this behavior. In contexts marked by political repression, economic volatility, and weak institutions, collective gains appear uncertain. Securing a small personal domain seems safer than risking engagement in an unpredictable collective project.

Finally, the psychology of personal domination transforms leadership into a quest for recognition and exclusive authority. For many, leading means controlling, deciding alone, being the singular reference point. Power-sharing is experienced not as institutional strengthening, but as a loss of status.

The Contrast With Other Contexts

The contrast becomes striking when observing other African countries — or Cameroonian diasporas abroad.

Elsewhere, more durable political institutions, consolidated social organizations, and formalized conflict-management mechanisms can be found. In Cameroonian diasporas in France, the United States, or Canada, associations, businesses, and cultural structures often last longer and function more effectively than similar initiatives at home.

Why? Because conditions differ: lower political risk, more predictable institutions, clearer rules — or simply geographic distance that increases mutual dependence. Above all, some groups deliberately cultivate a culture of cooperation: explicit rules, respected procedures, transparent conflict resolution, and ritualized leadership transitions.

In other words, durable cooperation is not a miracle. It is a discipline.

The Strategic Imperative

History — economic, political, and social — leaves little room for doubt:
no major transformation has ever occurred without sustained cooperation.

Unity is not a naïve slogan; it is a strategic lever of power. Commercial empires are built through the accumulation of capital — not only financial, but human and institutional. Political movements that change history do so through rooted structures, generational continuity, and the patient construction of collective legitimacy.

Synergy is not a moral luxury; it is a performance condition. Two coordinated organizations of one hundred people each wield far greater power than two hundred isolated individuals. This is not addition — it is multiplication.

Long-term collaboration is not optional. It is the only way to confront systems that are powerful, organized, and persistent — whether states, economic monopolies, or global structures that shape national trajectories.

Beyond Leadership Myths

Development — like political and social change — is rarely the work of solitary geniuses. It is produced by collectives capable of transcending egos, sharing power, managing conflict, and enduring over time.

As long as leadership is confused with personal domination, autonomy with isolation, plurality with dispersion, societies remain trapped in sterile cycles of reinvention. As long as charismatic tribunes are valued over patient builders, spectacular initiatives over sustained accumulation, seeds will be planted without harvest.

The Real Challenge

The real challenge, therefore, is not generating more initiatives.
It is learning to connect them, strengthen them, and make them last.

It is building spaces where disagreement does not mean rupture, where power rotation is anticipated and accepted, where common interest prevails without erasing differences. It is cultivating a culture of institution-building — not as bureaucratic constraint, but as a foundation that allows everyone to contribute without fear of absorption, humiliation, or erasure.

This collaboration is not a prayer. It is a skill to be learned, a discipline to be practiced, a daily struggle against our instinct toward isolation.

It begins when we accept that what we lose in control, we gain in power.
It takes root when we recognize that the other is not primarily a rival, but a multiplier of capacity.
It succeeds when we build together — slowly, painstakingly, courageously — the durable institutions capable of transforming a nation.

Franck Essi

#WeHaveAChoice
#WeHavePower
#CivicEducation
#LetsTurnOnOurBrains

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Franck Essi

Je suis Franck Essi, un africain du Cameroun né le 04 mai 1984 à Douala. Je suis économiste de formation. J’ai fait des études en économie monétaire et bancaire qui m’ont permi de faire un travail de recherche sur deux problématiques : ▶Les conditions d’octroi des crédits bancaires aux PMEs camerounaises. ▶ L' endettement extérieur et croissance économique au Cameroun. Je travaille aujourd’hui comme consultant sur des questions de planification, management et développement. Dans ce cadre, j’ai l’opportunité de travailler avec : ▶ La coopération allemande (GIZ), ▶Les fondations politiques internationales (Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, IRI, Solidarity Center et Humanity United), ▶ Des organismes internationaux (Conférence Internationale de la région des Grands Lacs, Parlement panafricain, …), ▶ Des Gouvernements africains (RDC, RWANDA, BURUNDI, etc) ▶ Et des programmes internationaux ( Initiative Africaine pour la Réforme Budgétaire Concertée, Programme Détaillé pour le Développement de l’Agriculture Africaine, NEPAD). Je suis également auteur ou co – auteur de quelques manuels, ouvrages et études parmi lesquels : ▶ Se présenter aux élections au Cameroun (2012) ▶ Prévenir et lutter contre la fraude électorale au Cameroun (2012) ▶ Les jeunes et l’engagement politique (2013) ▶Comment structurer un parti politique progressiste en Afrique Centrale (2014) ▶ Historique et dynamique du mouvement syndical au Cameroun (2015) ▶ Etudes sur l’état des dispositifs de lutte contre les violences basées sur le genre dans les pays de la CIRGL (2015) ▶Aperçu des crises et des dispositifs de défense des pays de la CIRGL (2015) ▶ Citoyenneté active au Cameroun (2017). Sur le plan associatif et politique, je suis actuellement Secrétaire général du Cameroon People’s Party (CPP). Avant de le devenir en 2012, j’ai été Secrétaire général adjoint en charge des Affaires Politiques. Dans ce cadre, durant l’élection présidentielle de 2011, j’étais en charge du programme politique, des ralliements à la candidature de Mme Kah Walla, l’un des speechwriter et porte – paroles. Je suis également membre de plusieurs organisations : ▶ L’association Cameroon Ô’Bosso (Spécialisée dans la promotion de la citoyenneté active et la participation politique). J'en fus le coordonnateur des Cercles politiques des jeunes et des femmes. Dans cette organisation, nous avons longtemps œuvré pour les inscriptions sur les listes électorales et la réforme du système électoral. ▶ L ’association Sema Atkaptah (Promotion de l’unité et de la renaissance africaine). ▶ L ’association Mémoire et Droits des Peuples (Promotion de l’histoire réelle et de la résolution du contentieux historique). ▶ Le mouvement Stand Up For Cameroon (Milite pour une transition politique démocratique au Cameroun). J’ai été candidat aux élections législatives de 2013 dans la circonscription de Wouri Centre face à messieurs Jean jacques Ekindi, Albert Dooh – Collins et Joshua Osih. J’étais à cette occasion l’un des coordonnateurs de la plateforme qui unissait 04 partis politiques : le CPP, l’UDC, l’UPC (Du feu Papy Ndoumbe) et l’AFP. Dans le cadre de mon engagement associatif et militant, j’ai travaillé et continue de travailler sur plusieurs campagnes et initiatives : • Lutte pour la réforme du code électoral consensuel et contre le code électoral de 2012. • Lutte pour le respect des droits et intérêts des personnes souffrant d’un handicap. • Lutte pour le respect des droits et intérêts des populations déguerpies de leurs lieux d’habitation. • Lutte contre le trafic des enfants. • Lutte pour la défense des droits et intérêts des commerçants face aux concessionnaires privés et la Communauté urbaine. • Lutte pour le respect des droits et intérêts des pêcheurs dans la défense de leurs intérêts face à l'État et aux firmes internationales étrangères. A la faveur de ces multiples engagements, j’ai été arrêté au moins 6 fois, détenus au moins 04 parfois plus de 03 jours. J’ai eu l’occasion de subir des violences policières qui, heureusement, n’ont laissé aucun dommage durable. Aujourd’hui, aux côtés de mes camarades du CPP et du Mouvement Stand Up For Cameroon, je milite pour que nous puissions avoir un processus de réconciliation et de refondation de notre pays qui n’a jamais été aussi en crise. A notre manière, nous essayons d’être des Citoyens Debout, des citoyens utiles pour leurs concitoyens et pour le pays.

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