OBSTACLE TO DEVELOPMENT No. 3: The Scarcity Mindset — or the Belief That There Will Never Be Enough for Everyone

Across many areas of social life, a shared assumption quietly shapes behavior: the belief that there is never enough to go around.

Not enough money.
Not enough opportunities.
Not enough respectable positions.
Not enough recognition.
Not enough future — for everyone.

This assumption is rarely stated openly, yet it structures a large part of individual and collective behavior. Success is perceived as threatening. Access to resources is treated as permanent competition. Society is imagined as a closed space, incapable of producing more than what already exists.

This mindset did not emerge by accident. It was forged through lived experience — in environments where scarcity was real, distribution unequal, and institutions unreliable. In contexts marked by chronic shortages, broken promises, and weak guarantees, fear of lack stops being an abstract belief. It becomes a survival reflex.

From Creation to Capture

Within such a mental framework, the central question is no longer how to create value, but how to secure one’s share.

The focus shifts from expanding what exists to appropriating what is available before it disappears.

Instead of asking:
“How can we add value?”
the prevailing question becomes:
“How do I take what I can — and protect it before things collapse?”

This logic fuels defensive accumulation, precautionary corruption, aggressive competition for positions, and constant fear of decline. Behaviors known to be harmful to the collective are morally rationalized by the expectation of a deteriorating future.

In this worldview, tomorrow will almost certainly be worse than today.
Thinking in terms of the common good appears naïve.
Sharing seems imprudent.
Trust feels dangerous.

Historical and Institutional Foundations

The scarcity mindset is deeply rooted in history. Colonial economies were systems of organized scarcity: maximum extraction, minimal redistribution. Access to education, status, and authority was rationed and dispensed as privilege. The idea that “there will never be enough for everyone” was not psychological — it was structural.

Post-independence trajectories often reinforced this logic. Economic crises, structural adjustment programs, currency devaluations, unpaid wages, and shrinking public opportunities extended the experience of scarcity. Where social mobility was promised, stagnation followed. Competitive exams became existential lotteries. Public positions turned into fortresses to be defended at all costs.

Under such conditions, the scarcity mindset is not simply a cultural weakness. It is a rational response to institutions perceived as unjust, unpredictable, and incapable of ensuring that effort today will generate rights tomorrow. Where rules are opaque and cheating is rarely sanctioned, mistrust is not paranoia — it is prudence.

A Paralyzing Social Logic

With this psychological background, large-scale, durable construction becomes nearly impossible.

Why invest in collective projects if outcomes are likely to be confiscated?
Why transmit knowledge or mentor others if one risks creating an additional competitor?
Why accept fair rules if the system is assumed incapable of producing enough for all?

Social life is thus reduced to a zero-sum — or even negative-sum — game:

For me to win, someone else must lose.
For me to rise, someone else must be excluded.
For me to be secure, others must remain vulnerable.

This logic produces mistrust, social jealousy, sterile competition, and fragmented solidarity. Cooperation does not disappear — it retreats into narrow circles: family, community, personal networks. Solidarity survives, but it cannot scale to the level of shared institutions.

A Self-Reinforcing Trap

The most damaging aspect of the scarcity mindset is that it creates the very scarcity it seeks to avoid.

Refusing cooperation limits value creation.
Blocking others reduces collective capacity.
Prioritizing capture weakens institutions, discourages investment, and dries up future opportunities.

Fear becomes reality.

When public officials extract “their share” out of fear of future deprivation, they destroy trust in public administration — reducing tax compliance, weakening state capacity, and undermining public services. When entrepreneurs refuse to grow, formalize, or share for fear of being plundered, they reinforce the belief that there is space only for a few small actors — never for multiple strong ones.

From Endured Scarcity to Constructed Abundance

History, however, offers a different lesson.

The societies that progress are not those that began with the most resources, but those that succeeded in transforming endured scarcity into constructed abundance — not magical abundance, but one built through value creation, cooperation, innovation, and institutional trust.

A society becomes a positive-sum system when:

  • individual success expands collective opportunity;
  • wealth is created through cooperation rather than predation;
  • institutions protect contracts, secure property, and sanction betrayal.

In such contexts, an “abundance mindset” is not motivational rhetoric. It is the consequence of institutions that make cooperation less risky than isolation, and creation more profitable than capture.

The Real Challenge: Mindsets and Institutions

The obstacle, therefore, is not only economic.
It is psychological, cultural, political — and institutional.

As long as fear of scarcity dominates, societies fight over crumbs instead of learning how to expand the pie. But as long as institutions remain weak, unjust, or captured, defensive behavior remains rational.

Mentalities do not change in a vacuum.
Trust becomes possible when institutions make it reasonable.

Escaping the scarcity mindset does not mean denying real hardship. It means refusing to let hardship dictate behavior to the point of collective paralysis. It means understanding that mental transformation and institutional reform must advance together. One without the other will fail.

Development begins when a society internalizes a simple truth:

Wealth is not only shared — it is created, together.

And no lasting shift in mindset is possible as long as the rules of the game continue to turn fear of scarcity into a collective destiny.

Franck Essi

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#WeHavePower
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Franck Essi

Je suis Franck Essi, un africain du Cameroun né le 04 mai 1984 à Douala. Je suis économiste de formation. J’ai fait des études en économie monétaire et bancaire qui m’ont permi de faire un travail de recherche sur deux problématiques : ▶Les conditions d’octroi des crédits bancaires aux PMEs camerounaises. ▶ L' endettement extérieur et croissance économique au Cameroun. Je travaille aujourd’hui comme consultant sur des questions de planification, management et développement. Dans ce cadre, j’ai l’opportunité de travailler avec : ▶ La coopération allemande (GIZ), ▶Les fondations politiques internationales (Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, IRI, Solidarity Center et Humanity United), ▶ Des organismes internationaux (Conférence Internationale de la région des Grands Lacs, Parlement panafricain, …), ▶ Des Gouvernements africains (RDC, RWANDA, BURUNDI, etc) ▶ Et des programmes internationaux ( Initiative Africaine pour la Réforme Budgétaire Concertée, Programme Détaillé pour le Développement de l’Agriculture Africaine, NEPAD). Je suis également auteur ou co – auteur de quelques manuels, ouvrages et études parmi lesquels : ▶ Se présenter aux élections au Cameroun (2012) ▶ Prévenir et lutter contre la fraude électorale au Cameroun (2012) ▶ Les jeunes et l’engagement politique (2013) ▶Comment structurer un parti politique progressiste en Afrique Centrale (2014) ▶ Historique et dynamique du mouvement syndical au Cameroun (2015) ▶ Etudes sur l’état des dispositifs de lutte contre les violences basées sur le genre dans les pays de la CIRGL (2015) ▶Aperçu des crises et des dispositifs de défense des pays de la CIRGL (2015) ▶ Citoyenneté active au Cameroun (2017). Sur le plan associatif et politique, je suis actuellement Secrétaire général du Cameroon People’s Party (CPP). Avant de le devenir en 2012, j’ai été Secrétaire général adjoint en charge des Affaires Politiques. Dans ce cadre, durant l’élection présidentielle de 2011, j’étais en charge du programme politique, des ralliements à la candidature de Mme Kah Walla, l’un des speechwriter et porte – paroles. Je suis également membre de plusieurs organisations : ▶ L’association Cameroon Ô’Bosso (Spécialisée dans la promotion de la citoyenneté active et la participation politique). J'en fus le coordonnateur des Cercles politiques des jeunes et des femmes. Dans cette organisation, nous avons longtemps œuvré pour les inscriptions sur les listes électorales et la réforme du système électoral. ▶ L ’association Sema Atkaptah (Promotion de l’unité et de la renaissance africaine). ▶ L ’association Mémoire et Droits des Peuples (Promotion de l’histoire réelle et de la résolution du contentieux historique). ▶ Le mouvement Stand Up For Cameroon (Milite pour une transition politique démocratique au Cameroun). J’ai été candidat aux élections législatives de 2013 dans la circonscription de Wouri Centre face à messieurs Jean jacques Ekindi, Albert Dooh – Collins et Joshua Osih. J’étais à cette occasion l’un des coordonnateurs de la plateforme qui unissait 04 partis politiques : le CPP, l’UDC, l’UPC (Du feu Papy Ndoumbe) et l’AFP. Dans le cadre de mon engagement associatif et militant, j’ai travaillé et continue de travailler sur plusieurs campagnes et initiatives : • Lutte pour la réforme du code électoral consensuel et contre le code électoral de 2012. • Lutte pour le respect des droits et intérêts des personnes souffrant d’un handicap. • Lutte pour le respect des droits et intérêts des populations déguerpies de leurs lieux d’habitation. • Lutte contre le trafic des enfants. • Lutte pour la défense des droits et intérêts des commerçants face aux concessionnaires privés et la Communauté urbaine. • Lutte pour le respect des droits et intérêts des pêcheurs dans la défense de leurs intérêts face à l'État et aux firmes internationales étrangères. A la faveur de ces multiples engagements, j’ai été arrêté au moins 6 fois, détenus au moins 04 parfois plus de 03 jours. J’ai eu l’occasion de subir des violences policières qui, heureusement, n’ont laissé aucun dommage durable. Aujourd’hui, aux côtés de mes camarades du CPP et du Mouvement Stand Up For Cameroon, je milite pour que nous puissions avoir un processus de réconciliation et de refondation de notre pays qui n’a jamais été aussi en crise. A notre manière, nous essayons d’être des Citoyens Debout, des citoyens utiles pour leurs concitoyens et pour le pays.

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