CAMEROON 2025: CHANGE, YES. BUT WHAT KIND OF CHANGE?

By Franck Essi

We are once again in an election year. One of those years when public debate heats up, passions flare, hopes resurface — and unfortunately, so do old demons: tribalism, community hatred, power struggles, and illusions of revenge.

But beyond the slogans and shifting alliances, one essential question demands our attention: Change, yes. But what kind of change?

Nothing can stand in the way of change forever

65 years. That’s how long our country has remained under a regime born of decolonization but still trapped in an endocolonial and neocolonial logic. A system that has prevented millions of Cameroonians from fulfilling their dreams, expressing their talents, and pursuing their projects. A system that turned the state into a barrier rather than a catalyst for progress.

And now, shamelessly, we are being offered yet again a 92-year-old man for another seven-year term — a living symbol of the absurdity of a power that refuses to let go, even in the face of reason and reality.

In this context, the need for change is not an opinion: it is a historical necessity.

False change: a dangerous illusion

But beware: this noble and powerful word — “change” — has been hollowed out. Not all forms of change are desirable, and some can be dangerously deceptive. There are false transitions that deepen our problems instead of solving them.

Let us name clearly the kinds of change we must reject:

  • Change of people without change of rules: Swapping one person at the top without reforming the institutional framework is like putting a new driver in a broken-down vehicle. As long as the Constitution, electoral code, and political party laws remain rigged, even the best leaders will be powerless to bring meaningful change.
  • Change of elite circles without change for the masses: When one elite group replaces another without transforming the system itself, ordinary citizens continue to suffer. Power merely shifts hands — the structure of exclusion remains.
  • Change of faces without change in governance: Changing who’s in charge without changing how decisions are made is nothing more than a facelift. If authoritarianism, opacity, and clientelism persist, there is no real transformation.
  • Revenge of one group of elites against another: When political change is driven by bitterness instead of vision, it creates cycles of retaliation. The state then becomes a battlefield for factions rather than a tool for serving the public good.
  • Revenge of one community against another: Instrumentalizing identity-based frustrations for political gain fosters division rather than reconciliation. A change that fractures national unity is not a step forward — it is a threat.
  • Cosmetic change to please external partners: Some leaders simulate reform to satisfy international donors, while keeping intact the domestic system of domination. This is window-dressing democracy — full of declarations but empty of transformation.

Real change: a deep, multidimensional transformation

True change is not proclaimed — it is prepared, embodied, and built over time. It is not about destroying everything, but about rebuilding on new, just, and durable foundations.

Here are the pillars on which meaningful change must rest:

  • Ethical change: Justice, honesty, truth, and the common good must once again anchor public service. Power must be seen not as a privilege but as a responsibility — exercised with humility and accountability.
  • Epistemological change: To liberate ourselves, we must reclaim our right to think for ourselves. This means valuing our languages, our intellectual traditions, our philosophies, and cultivating critical thinking rooted in our context.
  • Democratic change: Democracy is not just about elections — it is about participation, debate, accountability, and the protection of fundamental rights. We need strong institutions, real freedoms, and a vibrant civil society.
  • Governance reform: Governance must move away from arbitrariness and opacity. We need transparent, inclusive, and performance-based management of public affairs — grounded in planning, public service, and citizen proximity.
  • Civilizational change: Cameroon must regain its soul, its ambition, its path. It is time to move beyond survival, toward dignity, innovation, cultural pride, and continental leadership.

What this demands of political leaders

Such a transformation requires leaders who can embody and carry it credibly and sincerely. That entails not only good intentions, but also specific commitments:

  • Vision: To think beyond the short term, rooted in our history and oriented toward the collective future.
  • Coherence: To align words with actions — rupture cannot be claimed and contradicted at the same time.
  • Credible programs: Proposals must be concrete, costed, feasible, and transparent.
  • A spirit of service: Power is not a trophy. It is a mission — and must be lived as such.

What this requires from militants and political parties

Transformation does not begin only at the top — it grows within the political and activist ecosystems that nourish it. Parties and their members must embody the change they claim to seek.

That means:

  • Overcoming the cult of personality: No change is possible within rigid structures centered on one individual.
  • Encouraging respectful debate: Diversity of views should be a strength, not a threat. Unity is built through constructive disagreement, not forced consensus.
  • Practicing the alternative today: The way we organize now foretells the society we will build tomorrow. Exemplarity begins on the path, not just at the destination.

What this demands from citizens

Ultimately, the Cameroonian people are not spectators in their history. They are — and must be — the central actors of change. But this requires a conscious and active reclaiming of citizenship.

It means:

  • Seeking reliable information: Rejecting fake news, cross-checking sources, and thinking critically.
  • Resisting divide-and-rule tactics: Tribalism, bribery, and community-based manipulation are tools used to weaken popular power. Awareness is our first line of defense.
  • Acting locally: Change begins in our neighborhoods, families, markets, churches, and associations. Every citizen can be a spark that lights the flame.

My Deepest Conviction

Cameroon is not suffering from too much alternation — it suffers from its tragic and prolonged absence. For over six decades, the country has been held hostage by the same architecture of power — marked by democratic denial, institutional decay, and disconnect from the people.

My deepest conviction is this:

What our country needs is not just new faces or new slogans. It needs a foundational shift — a national awakening, a project of reconstruction, a collective act of sovereignty. It needs an ethical reset, a cultural renewal, and a political rebirth.

Changing the president is not the same as changing direction. Real transformation begins in our minds, our practices, our relationship with power and with each other. It is embodied by those who, here and now, show by example that they can do better, differently, for all.

And this change, I do not dream it alone.

With my comrades in the movement Stand Up For Cameroon, we carry this conviction deep within us:

> the profound change we need is a democratic political transition, achieved through a peaceful popular movement, that can refound the state and bring lasting reconciliation among Cameroonians.

This is the vision we uphold.

This is the struggle we lead.

And this is the hope we invite every citizen to embrace.

Now. Together. Resolutely. Peacefully. But firmly.

Franck Essi

#WhatIBelieve

#WeHaveTheChoice

#WeHaveThePower

#TurnOnOurBrains

#CitizenEducation

#PoliticalTransition

Avatar de Franck Essi

Franck Essi

Je suis Franck Essi, un africain du Cameroun né le 04 mai 1984 à Douala. Je suis économiste de formation. J’ai fait des études en économie monétaire et bancaire qui m’ont permi de faire un travail de recherche sur deux problématiques : ▶Les conditions d’octroi des crédits bancaires aux PMEs camerounaises. ▶ L' endettement extérieur et croissance économique au Cameroun. Je travaille aujourd’hui comme consultant sur des questions de planification, management et développement. Dans ce cadre, j’ai l’opportunité de travailler avec : ▶ La coopération allemande (GIZ), ▶Les fondations politiques internationales (Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, IRI, Solidarity Center et Humanity United), ▶ Des organismes internationaux (Conférence Internationale de la région des Grands Lacs, Parlement panafricain, …), ▶ Des Gouvernements africains (RDC, RWANDA, BURUNDI, etc) ▶ Et des programmes internationaux ( Initiative Africaine pour la Réforme Budgétaire Concertée, Programme Détaillé pour le Développement de l’Agriculture Africaine, NEPAD). Je suis également auteur ou co – auteur de quelques manuels, ouvrages et études parmi lesquels : ▶ Se présenter aux élections au Cameroun (2012) ▶ Prévenir et lutter contre la fraude électorale au Cameroun (2012) ▶ Les jeunes et l’engagement politique (2013) ▶Comment structurer un parti politique progressiste en Afrique Centrale (2014) ▶ Historique et dynamique du mouvement syndical au Cameroun (2015) ▶ Etudes sur l’état des dispositifs de lutte contre les violences basées sur le genre dans les pays de la CIRGL (2015) ▶Aperçu des crises et des dispositifs de défense des pays de la CIRGL (2015) ▶ Citoyenneté active au Cameroun (2017). Sur le plan associatif et politique, je suis actuellement Secrétaire général du Cameroon People’s Party (CPP). Avant de le devenir en 2012, j’ai été Secrétaire général adjoint en charge des Affaires Politiques. Dans ce cadre, durant l’élection présidentielle de 2011, j’étais en charge du programme politique, des ralliements à la candidature de Mme Kah Walla, l’un des speechwriter et porte – paroles. Je suis également membre de plusieurs organisations : ▶ L’association Cameroon Ô’Bosso (Spécialisée dans la promotion de la citoyenneté active et la participation politique). J'en fus le coordonnateur des Cercles politiques des jeunes et des femmes. Dans cette organisation, nous avons longtemps œuvré pour les inscriptions sur les listes électorales et la réforme du système électoral. ▶ L ’association Sema Atkaptah (Promotion de l’unité et de la renaissance africaine). ▶ L ’association Mémoire et Droits des Peuples (Promotion de l’histoire réelle et de la résolution du contentieux historique). ▶ Le mouvement Stand Up For Cameroon (Milite pour une transition politique démocratique au Cameroun). J’ai été candidat aux élections législatives de 2013 dans la circonscription de Wouri Centre face à messieurs Jean jacques Ekindi, Albert Dooh – Collins et Joshua Osih. J’étais à cette occasion l’un des coordonnateurs de la plateforme qui unissait 04 partis politiques : le CPP, l’UDC, l’UPC (Du feu Papy Ndoumbe) et l’AFP. Dans le cadre de mon engagement associatif et militant, j’ai travaillé et continue de travailler sur plusieurs campagnes et initiatives : • Lutte pour la réforme du code électoral consensuel et contre le code électoral de 2012. • Lutte pour le respect des droits et intérêts des personnes souffrant d’un handicap. • Lutte pour le respect des droits et intérêts des populations déguerpies de leurs lieux d’habitation. • Lutte contre le trafic des enfants. • Lutte pour la défense des droits et intérêts des commerçants face aux concessionnaires privés et la Communauté urbaine. • Lutte pour le respect des droits et intérêts des pêcheurs dans la défense de leurs intérêts face à l'État et aux firmes internationales étrangères. A la faveur de ces multiples engagements, j’ai été arrêté au moins 6 fois, détenus au moins 04 parfois plus de 03 jours. J’ai eu l’occasion de subir des violences policières qui, heureusement, n’ont laissé aucun dommage durable. Aujourd’hui, aux côtés de mes camarades du CPP et du Mouvement Stand Up For Cameroon, je milite pour que nous puissions avoir un processus de réconciliation et de refondation de notre pays qui n’a jamais été aussi en crise. A notre manière, nous essayons d’être des Citoyens Debout, des citoyens utiles pour leurs concitoyens et pour le pays.

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